When China flew a squadron of fighter jets over the Taiwan Strait in the Air Defense Zone April 13, China sent a loud message to the Pentagon that it’s in control of Taiwan as a part of China. Even today at the Tokyo Olympics when Taiwan power lifter Kuo Hsing-Chun won the gold medal, no Taiwan national anthem was played, only an acknowledgment that the gold medallist hailed from Chinese Taipei. Under the April 10, 1979 Taiwan Relations Act the U.S. agreed to recognize only one China, the one in Beijing, leaving Taiwan out in the cold. Since the 1949 Maoist Revolution, a group of Chinese nationalists opposed to communism led by Chan Kai-shek fled to the Island of Formosa and enjoyed at least the illusion of U.S. protection ever since. Speaking at the International Institute of Strategic Studies in Singapore today, 68-year-old Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin tried to clarify the U.S. position.
Austin told delegates that the United States “will not flinch when our interest are threatened,” referring to relations with Taiwan. Austin straddles a sharp fence when it comes to placating Beijing’s need to assert control over Taiwan, while, at the same time, recognizing the long history of protecting the Island with at least arms sales and rhetoric. Austin was quick to say the U.S. wanted no “confrontation” with Beijing, respecting China’s one-China policy when it comes to Hong Kong and Taiwan. U.S. officials expressed their dissatisfaction with Beijing March 18 at an Anchorage summit, accusing China of genocide in Xinjiang province against Mulsim Uygurs and a crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong. Beijing wants the U.S. to stop meddling it its internal affairs especially when it comes to Muslim Uygurs, pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong and sovereignty over Taiwan.
Austin struck a more conciliatory tone straddling the fence on recognizing the long U.S. history with Taiwan while accepting China’s sovereignty. “Unfortunately, Beijing’s unwillingness to resolve disputes peacefully and respect the rule of law isn’t just occurring on the water,” Austin said. Austin knows he has limited options when it comes to China’s militarization of the South China Sea, where Beijing has been building out military installations on shallow atolls near the Spratly Islands. Pacific rim countries including the Philippines, Vietnam, Myanmar, Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei, all voiced complaints but have little say over China’s bullying. “We have also seen aggression against India . . . destabilizing military activity and other forms of coercion against the people of Taiwan . . . and genocide and crimes against humanity against Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang,” Austin said.
Austin’s statements are bound to antagonize Chinese President Xi Jinping who has already called the U.S. bluff, doing as he pleases in the South China Sea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Western China. Austin walks a fine line insisting the U.S. would defend Taiwan against a Mainland invasion, despite know the U.S. wants no military confrontation with Beijing. Austin said the U.S. will “stay focused on helping Taiwan to defend itself or having the capabilities to defend itself going forward,” suggesting the U.S. will continue supply advanced weapons to the democratic Taiwan. For practical purposes, Austin is well aware the U.S. navy has not plans of going to war to defend Taiwan in the event of a Chinese invasion. China has stayed clear of a confrontation with the U.S. since Mao seized China in 1949. Since then, the U.S. has been a loyal ally and trading partner to Taipei.
Austin’s subtle message to Beijing is one of acquiescence, realizing the U.S. can only go so far under the Taiwan Relations Act. When former President Jimmy Carter signed the agreement, he knew he was selling Taiwan down the river, ending the pretense that Taiwan was a satellite of the United States. No matter how much the U.S. despises China’s bullying in the Pacific Rim, the U.S. has other pressing global issues than picking a fight with Beijing. “The way you manage [disputes] counts,” Austin said, hoping that tensions in the Pacific Rim can be mitigated. With the U.S. pulling our of Afghanistan Aug. 21 and ending combat operations in Iraq Dec. 31, the U.S. can ill-afford to ratchet up tensions with China or Russia. Austin said the U.S. is “committed to pursuing a constructive stable relationship with China,” noting that the U.S. isn’t “asking countries in the region to chose between the U.S. and China.”
Austin tried to set the right tone in Singapore, despite knowing he’s limited in how far he can push things when it comes to Taiwan. Nearly 73 years since the Maoist Revolution, the landscape has changed in China, gaining more wealth and military power for advancing a global strategy in all hemispheres. All third world countries seek the humanitarian and economic assistance from Beijing, challenging the U.S. to its post WW II global supremacy. Beijing followed the old Soviet Union in offering developing countries more cash-and-assistance, winning more friends in the third world than the U.S. China’s ambitions to supplant the United States,” said former U.S. Indo-Pacific Commander Adm. Phil Davidson, present an ongoing “threat” to Taiwan in the coming years. Austin’s message to the Singapore conference is that Taiwan can’t count on the U.S. in the event of a Chinese invasion.
