by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright July 11, 2007
All Rights Reserved.

early six years after President George W. Bush promised to deliver Osama bin Laden “dead or alive,” al-Qaida continues to base in “safe havens” and stage terrorist attacks with impunity. While Bush touts the lack of terror on American streets, Europe has seen a steady rise in attacks and plots since Sept. 11. U.S. involvement in Iraq has proved a costly detour, drawing jihadists from all over the planet to battle U.S. occupation. Waging a fierce battle in Congress, the White House still believes that the “troop surge” offers the last best hope for salvaging Iraq, besieged with sectarian strife, civil war and chaos inside the Shiite-dominated government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. Bush denies that al-Qaida is stronger and more menacing than it was at the time of Sept. 11. Attacks in the U.K., Iraq, Egypt, Afghanistan, Bali, etc.—not to mention frequent propaganda videos—indicate otherwise.

      Congress must ask itself whether the world is safer and better off since Bush launched his Iraq invasion March 20, 2003. Since Baghdad fell Arpil 10, 2003, over 3,600 U.S. troops have lost their lives. More that 26,000 have sustained debilitating injuries and tens-of-thousands of Iraqis have been killed or displaced, leaving the country teetering on anarchy. A new five-page government report titled, “Al-Qaida better positioned to strike the West,” indicates Bin Laden has regrouped in the off-limits, tribal areas inside Pakistan hugging the Afghan border. Bush promised to hunt down and bring Bin Laden to justice following the most devastating strike in U.S. history, including Japan's Kamikaze attack on Pearl Harbor Dec. 7, 1941. Despite strong diplomatic ties, Pakistian's strongman Gen. Pervez Musharraf refuses to grant the U.S. permission to pursue bin Laden in tribal lands.

      White House officials refuse to acknowledge reality that al-Qaida, Sunni insurgents and Shiite militias, especially radical Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, have run amok, creating a killing field for U.S. troops and Iraqi civilians. No amount of U.S. forces can impose a political settlement on warring factions. Nor can conventional forces win, as Bush insists, a protracted guerrilla war with endless supplies of paid mercenaries and fanatics willing to play human hand grenades for promises in the afterlife. Al Qaida's strategy in Iraq is to pit Sunnis against Shiites, creating the conditions for toppling the U.S.-backed government. There's no shortage of distrust and animosity between rival factions unwilling to reconcile differences and work toward a multiethnic government. Sacrificing more U.S. military won't change the outcome or dishonor those that have paid the ultimate price.

      Bush's clock on fixing Iraq has long-since passed twelve. He's asking for more time and money, hoping by some infinitesimal chance his “troop surge” strategy will finally bear fruit. Every day that passes, more U.S. troops get injured or killed and the treasury bleeds precious tax dollars needed to fund vital foreign policy and domestic programs. Bush claims that Iraq is the “central front in the war on terror” yet four-and-a-half years of battles hasn't slowed Bin Laden's killing machine. “The No. 1 enemy in Iraq is al-Qaida,” said White House press secretary Tony Snow, hoping to draw more patience for the “troop surge.” “Al-Qaida continues to be the chief organizer of mayhem within Iraq, the chief organization for killing innocent Iraqis,” failing to acknowledge the role of Sunni and Shiite death squads, unwilling to enter into constructive political dialogue.

      When Al-Qaida's Jordanian-born point man in Iraq Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was killed June 7, 2006, the White House had high hopes about ending the insurgency. Al-Zarqawi's death brought more death and destruction not from al-Qaida but from rival Sunni and Shiite death squads. Bush won't admit that Iraq's insurgency has deep support from rogue regimes like Iran and also Russia, who remembers well how the U.S. government paid Bin Laden to fight Soviet occupation in the early ‘80s. Instead of wasting more time, money and lives in Iraq, the U.S. must put pressure on Musharraf to allow Special Forces to pursue Bin Laden and his maniacal physician Ayman al-Zawahiri in their safe haven in the tribal lands between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Musharraf signed a deal in 2006 granting tribal leaders, next to the border with Afghanistan, autonomy in exchange for political support.

      Bush wants more time and money in Iraq, unwilling to face reality that the U.S. has long-since lost the guerrilla war. Nearly six years into the war, Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff sees a greater risk of terror on American streets. Nearly six years of fighting hasn't put a dent in Bin Laden or al-Zawahiri, whose secret deal with Musharraf had made tracking down the world's most notorious terrorist virtually impossible. Iraq continues to provide the biggest obstacle to the war on terror, draining U.S. resources, galvanizing America's enemies and fueling the global call for jihad. If the White House really sees al-Qaida as the “No. 1 enemy” then they must pressure Musharraf into allowing Special Forces to go after Bin Laden. No amount of money and troops can change political realities in Iraq: The U.S. must set its own benchmarks to get the troops out of harm's way.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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