by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright April 1, 2007
All Rights Reserved.

ince seizing 15 British sailors March 23, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has been a missing person, conspicuously out of the loop while the crisis ratchets up. For nearly two years, since elected president June 26, 2005, Ahmadinejad has been Iran's official mouthpiece, lambasting the West for its persecution of Iran's nuclear enrichment program. Rarely does a day go by when the feisty president doesn't serve up a juicy sound-bite for the international press, typically pitting himself against the U.S. and the West. Ahmadinejad was suspected by the CIA of participating in the original 1979 siege of the U.S. embassy in Tehran, officially beginning the downfall of the Shah and Ayatollah Khomenei's Islamic revolution. Since coming to power, Ahmadinejad personifies the defiant Shiite revolt that marked the rise and spread of radical Islam.

      U.S.-Iran tensions escalated when Special Forces captured five members of the Revolutionary Guard's al-Quds Brigade Jan 12, a military group with alleged ties to Lebanon's Hezbollah. Iran denies that its detained officials were connected with al-Quds and linked to the hijacked British sailors. Some analysts suggest that Iran seeks a prisoner swap, though denied by Iran's Supreme National Security Council leader Ali Larijani. Iran claims it seized 15 British sailors for straying into Iranian waters in the disputed Shatt al-Arab waterway, dividing Iraq and Iran. British authorities claim they have indisputable Global Positioning Satellite proof that the sailors were 1.7 miles inside Iraqi territory. Iran demanded that Britain apologize for trespassing to resolve the standoff. So far, British Prime Minister Tony Blair sticks to his story that the sailors were inside Iraq.

      While Ahmadinejad bites his tongue, the Iranian government flouts the U.K., exacting confessions and parading hostages on Arab TV. “We trespassed without permission,” said Royal Marine rifleman Nathan Thomas Summers, confessing to the transgression. “This happened back in 2004 and our government said it wouldn't happen again,” said Summers, adding, “and again, I deeply apologize for entering your waters,” humiliating the British government. A day earlier, the only woman sailor captured, Fay Turney, went further, denouncing U.S. and British Mideast policy. “I am writing to you as a British serviceperson who has been sent to Iran, sacrificed due to the intervening policies of the Bush and Blair governments,” revealing the extent of coercion and brainwashing. Forced public confessions and humiliation exposes the mullahs' self-destructive sadism.

      Keeping Ahdmadinejad muzzled buys Iran more time, allowing the mullahs figure out what to do with the hostages. No one knows for sure whether they're even in control of the captives. During the 1979 hostage crisis, there was some question whether the government controlled American prisoners. Some think Iran's Revolutionary Guards operate independently of the government, though it appears Ayatollah Khamenei and Iran's Supreme National Security Council call the shots. Instead of letting Ahmadinejad run his mouth, the mullahs decided to publicly haze the Brits. “I really don't know why the Iranian regime keep doing this. I mean all it does is enhance people's sense of disgust. Captured personnel being paraded and manipulated in this way doesn't fool anyone,” said British Prime Minister Tony Blair, baffled by what he sees egregious provocation.

      After days of silence, Ahmadinejad appeared on Iranian radio, lecturing the Brits about the “legal and logical” way out of the crisis. “After the arrest of these people, the British government, instead of apologizing and expressing regret over the action taken, started to claim that we are in their debt and shouted in different international councils,” said Ahmadinejad, expecting Blair to admit fault and stop pressuring the European Union U.N. Security Council to denounce Tehran. Signaling there may be movement, British Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett sounded a more conciliatory tone. “The message I want to send is I think everyone regrets that this position has arisen,” stopping well short of Iran's demand to admit fault and apologize. There's still some question whether Ahmadinejad or Supreme National Security Council has much clout with the radicals holding the hostages.

      Ahamdinejad's passivity hints that the mullahs want a face-saving way out of present hostage crisis. Blair continues to turn the screws with as much international pressure to get Iran to back down. “The political branch of the Islamic establishment has always sought to stoke up tensions in the region and the world,” said Saeed Madani, a researcher and member of the Freedom Group of Iran, a pro-Shah opposition group, concerned Iran's government may not be in control of the Revolutionary Guards holding the hostages. European Union's foreign policy chief Javier Solana, who tried to get Ahmadinejad to stop enriching uranium, asked Iran's foreign office to arrange access to the hostages. No matter how you cut it, Iran holds the cards and Britain must finesse its way out. With world opinion moving against Tehran and the U.S. amassing firepower in the gulf, the crisis won't last long.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

©1999-2005 Discobolos Consulting Services, Inc.
(310) 204-8300
All Rights Reserved.