by John M. Curtis
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Copyright February 1, 2015
All Rights Reserved.

                   Complaining about the same conservative backlash as President Barack Obama on Capitol Hill, 66-year-old Iranian President Hassan Rouhani expressed frustration with hardliners opposed to a nuclear deal with the West.  Since Iran signed on to the Nov. 24, 2013 Geneva Agreement with the P5-1, including the U.S., Great Britain, France, Russia, China and Germany, to limit Iran?s nuclear program to prevent nuclear bomb development, hardliners resisted concessions.  Iran?s nuclear development, begun during the 1950s under the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi?s father, is a source of Iranian national pride.  When former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad declared Iran and nuclear state Feb. 10, 2011, it was with great national fanfare.  Back then, Iran added thousands of centrifuges, spinning yellocake [U-238] into uranium hexaflouride gas to 20% atomic fuel all way to 90% weapons grade material.

             Western officials worry, despite Tehran?s denials, that Iran?s real ambition is to weaponize uranium hexaflouride gas, going beyond 20% for running nuclear power-plants, submarines, warships and medical isotopes.  Without open inspections, U.N. nuclear watchdog agency, the Vienna-based International Atomic Energy Agency, can?t verify that Iran isn?t already producing weapons grade fuel.  Unlike hardliners in the Iranian government led by Iran?s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the P5+1 won?t let up on the economic and trade sanctions until Iran commits to implementing the Geneva Agreement, limiting Iran?s nuclear fuel to 20%, for industrial and medical uses.  Criticizing hardliners for ?cheering on? failure in Geneva, Rouhani hopes to swing public opinion in the direction of allowing 52-year-old U.S-friendly Foreign Minister Javad Zarif to cut a nuclear deal.

             Rouhani walks a tightrope trying to placate Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran?s conservative Revolutionary Gurards and Assembly of Experts to accept the P5+1 nuclear agreement.  Already under extension from the Nov. 24, 2014 deadline, Iran has until July 1, 2015 to finalize the Geneva Accord or face more draconic sanctions, possibly military intervention.  Under pressure to fix the flagging Iranian economy, Rouhani seeks a nuclear deal to end crippling international sanctions.  ?The other side applauds their own, but here in our country, it is not clear what (the critics) are doing.  It is as if they are cheering-on the rival team,? Rouhani told the IRNA news agency.  Rouhani can?t have it both ways:  Playing ball with the West and placating hardliners in his country.  Rouhani wants hardliners to get on the same page to cut a deal, rather that calling the U.S. ?The Great Satan.?

             Deferring to the Ayatollah, Rouhani can only hope that Revolutionary Guards and Assembly of Experts go along with a peace deal.  Rouhani can?t fathom all the recent criticism of Zarif for taking a walk with Kerry in Geneva.  ?Criticism is not about booing, it is not about showing a better and clear way so that (we can) reach our goals faster,? said Rouhani concerned about improving the Iranian economy.   Khomenei likes to call the U.S. ?The Great Satan? much like his predecessor the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomenei, whose 1979 Islamic revolution booted out the Shah Feb. 11, 1979.  Whipping up post-revolutionary slogans does little to fix the struggling Iranian economy buckling under the weight of punitive U.N. sanctions.  Denouncing Iranian enemies, Iran?s supreme leader does little to help Rouhani and Zarif cut a nuclear deal that works for Iran and the P5+1.

             Ratcheting up pressure on the White House to secure a meaning nuclear deal, House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) invited Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to speak March 3 to a joint session of Congress.  Before the White House gives away the store, Boehner wants Netanyahu to level with Congress about the threats the U.S. and Israel face from the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria and from Iran on its nuclear ambitions.  Since Ahmandinejad threatened to ?wipe Israel off the map? Oct. 26, 2005, Netanyahu calls Iran an ?existential threat,? believing that if Iran gets the bomb they?d use it on Israel.  Conservatives on Capitol Hill led by Boehner and Armed Services Committee Chairman Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) agree that Iran cannot be allowed to get the bomb.  Others believe that if Iran got the bomb, they?d act no differently than Pakistan since getting the bomb in 1998.

             Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and his Foreign Minister Javad Zarif are practically standing on their heads to cut a nuclear deal.  Hardliners in the U.S. and Iranian government don?t trust any deal, believing both sides seek to gain strategic advantage over the other.  Despite pressure from Netanyahu and conservatives on Capitol Hill, a nuclear deal that prevents Iran from enriching uranium beyond 20% would be good for all parties.  When Netanyahu speaks to Congress March 3, he?ll make a strong case that the P5-+1 not acquiesce to Iranian subterfuge over hiding it atomic weaponizing program.  White House officials led by 70-year-old Secretary of State John Kerry believe that some deal is better than no deal.  Conservatives in Congress led by McCain no longer trust that the administration to cut a deal that protects both U.S. and Israeli national security.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He’s editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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